Abstracts摘要
Malaysia, OIC and the Sino-Malaysian relations
马来西亚、回教大会组织（OIC）与中国的关系
Isa Ma, lecturer, Institute of China Studies, University of Malaya
马子良 马来亚大学中国研究所
本文的主要目的是讨论马来西亚与回教大会组织（穆斯林国家组织，简称： OIC)，以及对应的非回教国家（中国）的三角关系。本文试图论证伊斯兰教仍然继续扮演着重要的角色，影响着马来西亚对回教国家，以及对非回教国家（如中国）的外交行为和政策。第一部分介绍马来西亚外交政策中的伊斯兰元素，以及与马来西亚穆斯林世界打交道时应该所遵守的国际行为准则，第二部分讨论马来西亚与回教大会组织 （OIC）的关系，从而折射出与其对应的中国的关系，第三部分讨论马来西亚与中国的关系。
China’s Recent Studies on Malaysian Chinese
近年以来中国的马来西亚华人研究
Li Guoliang, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Xiamen University
李国樑，广东长科机械集团有限公司南洋研究院教授
马来世界与中国已有近两千年的交流史，华侨华人在其中一直扮演着积极的、甚至是主要的角色。中国古籍中有关于马来亚中国移民的记载，上个世纪二三十年代以来，中国学界不乏对马来亚华侨华人的介绍和研究，也“爱屋及乌”地对华侨华人集中居住地的马来亚予以介绍和揄扬，但严格说来，在第二次世界大战结束前后，真正称得上对马来亚华侨华人有专门研究的学者和著作实在是凤毛麟角，姚楠、张礼千等学者及其著作堪称这一领域的代表。1949年新中国建立直到1979年改革开放前的三十年间，中国学界对马来亚、马来西亚华侨华人的研究成果也很少见，除少量文章外，公开出版的著作仅一、二种，远逊于三四十年代的研究。
1980年代至今，在国内外新的形势下，中国对马来西亚华人的研究随着东南亚和华侨华人问题研究的整体进展，在研究成果数量和水平上有了明显进步。尤其是1990年代后，中国对马来西亚华人的研究逐渐从“垦荒”式研究走向相对专业化的研究，出现了一个新的局面。这可以从以下事实得到说明。
1）从研究设施和研究人才来看，国内建立了多处相关的专门研究机构，有一批较为熟悉马来西亚华人及其相关研究的专门人才，也有一批研究马华问题的博士新生力量成长起来。
2）从学术交流活动来看，研究马来西亚华人和相关专题的学术会议多次举行，因研究马华课题赴马来西亚进行社会调查、田野调查的中国学者正在增多，“请进来”的马华人士和学者也为数不少。
3）从研究成果的数量来看，除去研究东南亚华人的综合性成果中涉及马华研究的内容以外，1980年代中期以来，国内出版了专门研究马来西亚华人的各类中文著作30余种，另有一定数量的硕博论文问世，这些成果的大部分是在1995年以后出版或完成的。据《中文期刊全文数据库》显示，1991年至今，国内刊物已发表的马来西亚华人研究及相关文章共计有500余篇。
4）从研究课题的内容来看，已越出了华人华侨史范畴，广泛地涉及到马来西亚华人的政治、经济、教育、文化、宗教、民族关系等各种问题。研究者无论在资料的收集和运用上，还是在理论观点的探讨上，都力图展现新意，一些著作和博士论文已引起学术界的重视。
近年来，马华研究事实上已成为中国学界研究海外华人课题的一个亮点。
虽然中国学界近年来对马来西亚华人的研究比之过去有明显的进步，发展前景也看好，但是与国外的研究（包括马来西亚华人学者的同类研究）相比，仍是落后的，还存在较大的差距，与港、台学者的同类研究相比，也有不小的差距。以学术的角度而言，今后国内若要提升研究马来西亚华人问题的水平，首先应加强原创性课题研究，下力气做些有补学术之功的事情，尽量避免低层次的重复；其次，要创造条件让研究者有更多机会、更长时间深入到大马社会去亲身调查，获取第一手的资料，随着中国国力的迅速提高，相信这样做的可能性会大为增加。第三是研究成果的表达问题，当然这是一个研究者面临的共性问题。要提倡研究者不仅能用中文写书写论文，也要用外语写作，这样才能冲出国门、走向世界、增进交流，也只有坚持这样做下去，才能缩小与国际学术界之间的差距。
Analysis of Some Problems regarding Malaysian Chinese’s Investment in China略论马来西亚华商在中国投资的若干问题
Loh Yoong Keong, Malaysian councilor, Attorney
罗荣强，马来西亚市议员、律师
Ang Lay Hoon, Lecturer and Faculty of Modern Language and Communication Universiti Putra Malaysia
洪丽芬 博特拉大学讲师
[摘要] 马中自1974年建交以来，马来西亚华商赴华投资经历了一段曲折的发展过程。从马来西亚初期的种种限制赴华政策至后来的开放措施，从中国初期的无法可依至后期的有法可循，无不给马来西亚华商开创了良好的投资中国环境。然而今天马来西亚的一部分华商，在各种投资保护、便利和自由化措施等利好因素下，仍然无法在这块常被誉为“乡情浓厚”、“商机无限”、“语言文化相通”的大地发挥优势；究其因，除了归咎于某些客观与无法避免的商业风险之外，还存在着一些特定的主观因素。本文以总体实践分析方式，试图就马来西亚华商对中国外资法律政策的错误认知以及中国现行外资法律政策的一些瑕疵等问题加以探讨，并提出应对之策，为一部分裹足不前的马来西亚华商重新吹起激励的号角，也为中国制定富前瞻性的宏观引资战略、切实可行的政策措施和完善的法律机制，提供一点浅见。
[关键词] 马来西亚 华商 中国投资
A Study on the Establishment of Guanchang in Malacca
马六甲官厂建立时间考
Shi Ping, Director, Institute of Marine Culture Studies, Shanghai Maritime University
时平，上海海事大学海洋文化研究所所长，教授
[提要]马六甲官厂是中马交往史上最早的见证之一，对于马六甲建国和成为东西方交往的重要航运贸易口岸具有开创性的作用。有关马六甲官厂的研究，是郑和研究中一个日渐引人注意的问题。以往研究多集中其在郑和船队航海和贸易中的“后勤基地”、“货物仓库”的地位，也有从国际战略或海权的视角分析它的战略价值。近年对此问题的研究呈现深化趋向，一是认为马六甲建国和建立官厂与当时东南亚政局和明朝的对外政策有直接关系；二是对马六甲官厂的遗址位置进行更进一步的考证和研究。但值得注意的是，对于马六甲官厂建立的具体时间并没有明确，以郑和下西洋期间统而论之。本文依据相关历史文献记载进行考证和分析，认为马六甲官厂是在永乐八年郑和船队第三次下西洋抵达时开始建立的。
Malaysia-China Relations: The Roles of Chinese Malaysian and the Muslim Chinese of China
马中关系：马来西亚华裔和中国的穆斯林的角色
Chia Oai Peng, Associate Professor, Department of Chinese Studies, University of Malaya
谢爱萍，马来亚大学中国研究院副教授
Malaysia and China established diplomatic relation in 1974 but there was not much progress in the bilateral relations until end of 1989. From 1990 onwards the two nations witnessed leaps and bounds in the bilateral relations. However, there is room for the two nations to improve their bilateral relations in various aspects, especially the social and economic sectors.
Obstacles facing Malaysia-China relations include the existence of Malayan Communist Party that no longer exist since the 1990’s, Malay perception of China and the Chinese people, the ascendance of China and its implications to Southeast Asia, and the competition of getting access to China market among ASEAN nations.
This paper attempts to highlight the factor of Malay perception of China and the Chinese, as it is closely associated to the ethnic relations and historical incidents in Malaysia. Malaysia and the government in particular are very much aware of the importance of establishing close and strategic relations with China in order to share the benefits in the huge China market. However, as illustrated in recent years, there are incidents showing that there are hiccups here and there in the two country relations. Though these incidents may be manageable, but the refractions are distorted in great magnitude and hurt the relations.
Other factors will also be discussed in the context of domestic history and ethnic relations. There may be many other factors as well that are at play. However, this paper will only focus on these few factors that are mentioned. This paper also attempts to look at the role of Chinese Malaysian in promoting stronger and closer Malaysia-China relations.
Desecuritizing China: Changes of "China Threat" Perception and Malaysian Chinese in Malaysia
去安全化：对“中国威胁论”观点的转变和马来西亚的华人
Ho Khai Leong, Associate Professor, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore
何启良，新加坡南洋理工大学副教授
The perception of China as a threat to the political and economic securing in the region among Malaysian political leaders has undergone a sea change in the last three decades. From a communist threat to being a friend, from a threat to an opportunity, China’s image in Malaysia has been a complete reversal. What accounts for such a change? Many analysts have argued that the large proportion of ethnic Chinese in the country has attributed to the threat perception in the formative years of nation-building in Malaysia (1950s and 60s), and that the changes of Malaysian national leaders (predominantly Malays) about China are largely a result of the transformation within the ethnic Chinese community. The ethnic Chinese has shrunk in number, its education has been a plus, and its willingness to work with the Malay leaderships, all these have somewhat changed the perception of Chinese and by extension the China threat.
Paradigm Shift in China’s Trade Policy and Sino-Malaysian Relations: The Regional Implications of ACFTA
中国贸易政策范式的转移与中马关系－中国东盟自由贸易区的区域意义
Yeoh Kok Kheng, University of Malaya
杨国庆，马来亚大学
Recent years have witnessed a shift in China’s trade policy in favour of preferential trade
agreements – a remarkable change from the country’s earlier, largely negative, skepticism towards a more positive attitude and active participation. This shift began to occur since the 1997 East Asian financial crisis and picked up speed after the country’s accession to the WTO in December 2001. Launched at the China-ASEAN summit in Phnom Penh in November 2002, the China-ASEAN FTA (CAFTA/ACFTA) process represents the milestone of a paradigm shift in China’s trade policy. The forming of the ACFTA, despite its objective to intensify trade and investment between ASEAN and China, also paves the way towards wider East Asian economic cooperation. ACFTA could facilitate future East Asian economic integration as it can serve as a model in the future expansion of the free trade area to include Japan and Korea. Indeed, the progress of ACFTA with accelerated trade flows has already encouraged Japan and Korea to seek closer economic relationship with ASEAN. The underlying reason for Malaysia to participate in an FTA is to enlarge its market access opportunity through the granting of the reduction or elimination of tariff on goods. FTA is also considered a facilitating tool to promote trade, investment and enhance competitiveness. Apart from the economic factors, strategic and political reasons are also considerations for forging preferential economic relations because such relations can be used as a tool to build political trust among member countries and promote regional stability. While used strategically with careful policy design to serve the growth objective ACFTA may offer Malaysia substantial potential gains through competition and scale effects, there are also uncertainties that influence the trade effects of ACFTA on Malaysia. For instance, Malaysia will encounter a certain amount of other challenges such as competition in the substitutes between Malaysia and other ASEAN members in the China market. Malaysian producers also face increasing competition from China, both at home and in third-country markets, particularly on a wide range of labour- and technology-intensive manufacturing sectors. Besides, there is also the possibility of trade diversion effect from the ASEAN market towards China as its attention is diverted to the China market.
The causes and implications of fertility decline among Malaysian Chinese
马来西亚华人生育率降低的原因和影响
Tey Nai Peng, Associate Professor, University of Malaya
郑鼐平，马来亚大学副教授
Abstract：The Malaysian Chinese have undergone rapid fertility transition. The total fertility rate has reached below replacement level of 1.8 in 2004 and 1.7 in 2005. The Malaysian Chinese are “catching up” with other overseas Chinese in fertility decline.
A multitude of factors have resulted in fertility transition among Malaysian Chinese. Urbanization, improvement in education, female labour force participation and improvement in the status of women have brought about significant changes in the norms toward family formation and childbearing. Malaysian Chinese women have overtaken the men in higher education, and more and more are entering the labour market where work is incompatible with maternal roles. A series of household surveys (1974, 1984, 1988, 1994 and 2004) show wide variations in fertility, marriage and contraceptive use across the various socioeconomic groups. Delayed and non-marriage have become more prevalent, consequent upon changes in gender roles. The high cost of having children and lack of childcare support may also have inhibited childbearing.
Rapid fertility decline among Malaysian Chinese has resulted in a low rate of population growth and significant changes in the ethnic composition and family structure. It will bring about the ageing of population and pose challenges in the care of the older people. On the other hand, the smaller family size has enabled Malaysian Chinese to invest more on children’s education, which in turn is likely perpetuate the low level of fertility.
The Malaysian Chinese population is projected to increase slowly by a million to peak at about 6.6 million by the year 2030. There will be dramatic changes in the age structure, with rapid increase in older population and decrease in the youth population. The age structural change would have far reaching implications on the family and social organizations.
Malaysian Politics and Sino-Malaysian Relations
马来西亚政治和中马关系
Balakrishnan RK Suppaiah, University of Malaya
苏巴艾赫，马来亚大学
Malaysia-China relations cannot be explained without taking into account the domestic context of the Malaysian society and polity. Albeit its flaws and limitations, Malaysia is still a democratic society. The formation of its government is made of various constituents of mainly ethnic-based parties under the umbrella of the National Front (Barisan Nasional). The opposition coalition too in a way operates under such circumstances with a particular identity mainly revolving around the ethnic or religious identities for support. Hence, ethnicity and politics is an ineluctable process without which a stable government that is internationally approved is difficult to come about.
On the other hand, the formation of Malaysia’s foreign policy may not be always a reflection of the ethnic bargaining. While the consideration is always based upon the political elite involved and to a greater extent the national interest, the case of Malaysia’s policy towards China is an exception. The context within which the ethnic-based domestic political considerations operate in the making of Malaysia’s policy towards China is indeed enormous. Although political leaders may not state such interest in their articulation of Malaysia’s foreign policy, its latency and presence in the mind of the ruling elite cannot be dismissed. This paper will provide the necessary backdrop for Malaysia-China relations from the domestic political context and perspectives. It will explain the political power of the Chinese community without which the formation of an orderly democratic government can be daunting. The demonstration of the political power of the Malaysian Chinese will also reveal that how it is an important element of the foreign policy consideration for the ruling elites, especially among the Malay leaders and hence impacting upon Malaysia-China relations. Lastly the paper will also deal briefly on opportunity and challenges in Malaysia-China relations, especially from an economic point of view since the economic uprising of China is of global concern.
Taiwan Factor in Sino-ASEAN Relations
中国与东南亚关系中的台湾因素
Lin Juoyu, Associate Professor, Graduate Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Tamkang University
林若雩，淡江大学东南亚研究所副教授
Taiwan factor in Sino-ASEAN relations is not so sensitive as in Sino-US relations in 1980’s. But from ten years ago, the PRC adopted “good neighbor” policy and paid more attention to Southeast Asian countries. So that Taiwan factor becomes key point to impact on Sino- ASEAN relations which has same nature as in Sino- US relations.
From the different strategic interests of each side, the deep concern in Southeast Asia of China would be more political and diplomatic; for the ASEAN’s perspective, it would be more comprehensive; for Taiwan’s perspective, it would be more economic. Obviously, it’s not smart for each side to pursue or build a hard-line alliance against any big power in East Asia.
This paper has definitions related what’s the implications for Taiwan factor in Sino-ASEAN relations, and presents some evidences in multilateral, bilateral and unilateral level to clarify the impacts on Sino-ASEAN relations. The author provides some more facts, materials and criterias to justify the outcomes and influences on Sino-ASEAN relations.
Is Taiwan as a role of “Leverage” in this region? Or what role should Taiwan play? This paper suggests Taiwan can be regarded as a constructive economic partner with PRC as well as ASEAN, and highlight the reason why the PRC and ASEAN should engage Taiwan together in human security and non-traditional security fields.
Key words: power balance, hegemony, Taiwan factor, China, ASEAN, triangular relations, ASEAN＋1, ASEAN＋3, strategic interests
Structure and functions of the Nagasaki Office of Chinese Interpreters in the 17th Century
十七世纪长崎会馆华人翻译的结构和功能
Patrizia Carioti, Associate Professor, Department of Asia Studies, Oriental University of Naples
白蒂，意大利那不勒斯东方大学亚洲研究系副教授
After defeating his enemies and rising to power in 1603, Tokugawa Ieyasu proceeded to organise the centralization of the archipelago as well as the welcoming policy toward the Overseas Chinese, but with the precise aim of canalizing the international commerce of the archipelago, either conducted by the Japanese or carried out by the Chinese, under governmental management. Also with regard to Nagasaki, the first shōgun adopted a careful policy of protection and control toward the Chinese. Between 1603 and 1604, he instituted the first tōtsuji, Fang Liu (died 1624), to which it was almost immediately necessary to add more interpreters. A few decades later, in the middle of the 17th Century, there was the formal institution of the Tōtsūji Kaishō, the “Office of the Chinese Interpreters”, with many fundamental functions: the Office became fully developed from the second half of the 17th Century onwards. The first basic task was, as can easily be understood, translation from and into Chinese, Dutch, Japanese (but also still using Portuguese during the first decades of the 17th Century): this assignment allowed the tōtsūji to play the fundamental role of intermediation between the Chinese and the Japanese authorities, as well as with the Europeans, that is to say obtaining enormous influence. Checking the written text and finding all expressions referring to Christianity were important tasks, after the decree of 1614 prohibiting the Catholic Religion. Keeping peace and order within the Chinese community and among the Chinese settlers and the Japanese people was also a very important and delicate role they had to concern themselves with. The control and the supervision of commercial transactions upon the arrival of Chinese merchant ships were fundamental functions as well, and actually the most important, as they gave the tōtsūji remarkable economic power, and therefore partly political power too.
It can be said that the tōtsūji acted as a direct intermediary for the Japanese authorities both in their relations with the Europeans and even more so in all respects of their interaction with the Overseas Chinese Community of Nagasaki, as well as with regard to the entire ambit of the international relations between China and Japan.
This research, which takes into consideration the Overseas Chinese in Nagasaki, presents some of the obtained results in the Research Project “The Overseas Chinese in Nagasaki between the 16th and the 17th Centuries: A Preliminary Investigation”, realised thanks to the support and to the generous fellowship granted by The Japan Foundation of Tōkyō
Development of Malaysian Energy Sources and Strategy of Sino-Malaysian Cooperation
马来西亚能源发展与中马能源合作的策略思考
Liao Xiaojian, Vice-Director, Institute of Overseas Chinese Studies, Jinan University
廖小健，暨南大学华侨华人研究所副所长
[内容摘要]本文主要分析马来西亚石油和天然气等能源产业的发展，它们在马来西亚经济中的地位，以及中国和马来西亚能源合作的现状等问题，并提出促进中马能源合作的若干对策。
[关 键 词] 马来西亚； 能源发展； 中马能源合作
The Establishment of Merdeka University
马来西亚“独立大学”之筹建
Cao Shuyao, Associate Professor, General Education Center Tunghai University
曹淑瑶，台湾东海大学通识教育中心副教授
1956年，南洋大学在新加坡裕廊校区正式开学，终于实现了马来亚华人创办华文大学的美梦。然而，当新加坡于1965年8月9日正式脱离马来西亚联合邦之后，对马来西亚的华人而言，南洋大学成为「外国」的学校，因此，马来西亚的华人，决定创办一所「自己的」大学。这所被命名为「独立」的大学，是马来西亚华人努力争取却未能成功设立的大学，是马来西亚华文教育运动史上是一项影响深远的事件，本论文将以马来西亚成立后执政当局之教育政策的演变为背景，讨论独立大学的创议过程与结果。
When Nanyang University was founded at Jurong, Singapore in 1956, it seemed that the Chinese people in Malaya had made their dream to establish a Chinese university come true. When Singapore separated from Federation of Malaysia in 1965, Nanyang University became a “foreign” university. The Malaysian Chinese thus wanted to have their own university. This proposed university was called Merdeka University. The project had never been materialized. Nonetheless, the proposed project had great impact on the development of Chinese education in Malaysia. In this paper, I try to made a inquiry into the emergence, process and effect of the Merdeka University.
关键词：独立大学、华文教育、马来西亚
Keywords: Merdeka University, Chinese education, Malaysia
Malaysian Industrial Policies And Its Model of Industrialization: A Comparative Perspective
马来西亚工业化政策及其发展模式：从比较研究的视角
Shen Hongfang, Senior Researcher, Research School of Southeast Asian Studies & Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Xiamen University
沈红芳，广东长科机械集团有限公司南洋研究院、长科机械集团教授
【关键词】马来西亚 工业化政策与发展模式 比较研究
【内容提要】在东亚准新兴工业化国家中，马来西亚的经济发展水平名列前茅。这主要得益于马来西亚成功的工业化模式。尤其是马来西亚的工业化经历了进口替代第二阶段重化工业的发展，使其经济实力与商品贸易出口能力大为加强。马来西亚政府在工业化发展进程中扮演了“强干预”的角色，并提供了符合工业化发展内在要求的综合性组合政策。马来西亚的经验表明，推行进口替代第二阶段并非是阻碍发展中国家经济增长与发展的因素，发展中国家现阶段的工业化发展仍然需要被主流学说斥之为“肮脏”的工业化政策。
Abstract: Malaysian economic development is one of the best among East Asian newly industrializing countries. This is attributing mainly to its industrial policies made by Malaysian government leading to a successful model of industrialization. In comparison with other East Asian developing countries in particular, Malaysian industrialization has undergone the development stage of heavy industry, or, import substitution II that has greatly strengthened its economic position of strength as well as competitiveness of export commodities. Malaysian government is playing a role of strong interference in the process of its industrialization and providing comprehensive combinational policies that are in accord with internal requirement of industrial development. Thus, Malaysian experience of Industrialization proved that the implementation of import substitution II is not the major factor of hindering economic growth and development, and industrial policies which are denounced as “duty” for distortion of prices and nourish corruption by main stream doctrine are still needed.
Keywords: Malaysia; industry policies and model; comparative study
National Export Competitiveness of the ASEAN-5
论东盟五国的出口竞争力
Wang Qin, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Xiamen University
王 勤，广东长科机械集团有限公司南洋研究院教授
摘 要：东盟五国（印尼、马来西亚、菲律宾、新加坡和泰国）是世界重要的出口地区，2005年东盟五国总体在世界货物出口贸易的排名中列第四位，仅次于德国、美国、中国。本文将借鉴和运用工业竞争力指数（CIP）、显示比较优势指数（RCA）、国际市场占有率等测度指标，对东盟五国的出口竞争力进行实证研究。
关键词：东盟五国；出口竞争力；实证研究
Malaysian Chinese and Development of the Prewar Sino-Malaysian Trading Relations
马来西亚华侨与战前中马经贸关系的发展
Nie Dening, Vice-Dean, Research School of Southeast Asian Studies & Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Xiamen University
聂德宁，广东长科机械集团有限公司南洋研究院副院长、教授
摘要：二战以前，马来亚的华侨不仅人口众多，经济实力较为雄厚，而且其经济活动遍及马来亚的生产领域和分配领域的各个方面，因而在对马来亚的社会经济发展产生了重要的影响的同时，也对中国与马来亚的经贸往来发展产生了巨大的影响，从而在沟通和增进中国与英属马来亚的贸易往来方面具有不可替代的地位和作用。为此，本文首先就二战前中国与英属马来亚地区贸易往来的发展状况进行概述；其次，从华侨在英属马来亚地区的人口和经济实力来考察其在战前中国与英属马来亚贸易往来中所处的地位；其三，从英属马来亚华侨的经济活动来探讨其在战前中马经贸往来中所发挥的作用。通过对上述三个方面的考察，以期对华侨在二战前中国与英属马来亚经贸往来发展中的地位和作用有一个较为全面的认识和了解。
Malaysia’s Ethic Policy And Its Equal Growth
马来西亚的族群政策与公平增长
Lin Yong, Junior Researcher, Institute of Overseas Chinese Studies, Fujian Academy of Social Sciences
林勇，广东省社科院华侨华人研究所副研究员
[内容摘要] 马来西亚的族群政策是以马来人优先为基本原则的族群保护政策。独立以来马来西亚取得了快速的经济增长，在消除贫困和缩小族群经济差距方面也取得了不小的成就，但这些成就并不能简单地归功于其族群政策。与此同时，马来西亚社会贫富差距和族群内部的贫富差距却在日益恶化，族群关系日趋紧张，国民团结受到危害，族群政策对此产生了严重的影响，一定程度上阻碍了马来西亚的公平增长。
[关键词] 马来西亚 族群政策 公平增长
Abstract : Malaysia’s ethnic policy is on the principle of “Malays First”. Since independence, Malaysia has achieved fast economic growth , succeeded in poverty reduction and improved ethnic economic equality. But we couldn’t attribute all these to its ethnic policies. At the same time, under these ethnic policies, Malaysia’s social inequality and economic gap within each race especially Malay have been worsened, ethnic relations and national unity have been hurt. All this hampered Malaysia’s “Growth with Equality” someway. In the future, Malaysia’s ethnic policies have to be reformed and adjusted.
Key words: Malaysia; Ethic Policy ; Equal Growth
The Evolution of Women NGOs in Malaysia
马来西亚妇女非政府组织之发展
Wang Hu, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Xiamen University
王 虎，广东长科机械集团有限公司南洋研究院讲师
内容提要：独立以来，马来西亚的政治、经济和社会得到全面发展；在这个过程中也出现了一些新的问题和矛盾，如华文教育的存亡问题、环境恶化问题、人权问题、发展资源在马来人和非马来人之间的分配问题、发展中的妇女问题以及马来穆斯林社会对国家政治和经济发展的认同问题等。一些主要的非政府组织正是为了解决这些领域的问题而产生。在马来西亚众多的非政府组织中，有250多个非政府组织是专门为妇女问题而设立，在这250个非政府组织中，有大约150个这样的非政府组织表现非常积极和活跃。本文简要回顾了马来西亚妇女非政府组织的发展历程，对独立后马来西亚主要的妇女非政府组织及其活动进行介绍，最后对马来西亚妇女非政府组织与马来西亚政府的关系进行评估和分析。
Malaysian Chinese’s Response to Chen Shuibian’s Independent Taiwan Road
马来西亚华人对陈水扁“台独”路线的回应
Hou Kok Chung, Director, Institute of Chinese Studies/Associate Professor , University of Malaya
何国忠：马来亚大学中国研究院院长、副教授
内容提要：2003年12月18日在吉隆坡马可波罗餐厅的一场饭局，几名华社领袖聚在一起，讨论当时战情日益炽热台湾总统选举及防御性公投，这些人提出了成立“马来西亚一中促进会”的可能性，并对陈水扁大肆攻击。过后，这些与会的领袖曾多次会商，并推选出以丹斯里李三春为首，拿督斯里林玉唐（华总会长）及丹斯里钟廷森（商联会会长）为副会长，以及陈凯希为秘书长的理事会。其他成员括丹斯里杨忠礼，丹斯里李深静；丹斯里陈来金、丹斯里林源德、丹斯里李金友、丹斯里颜清文、拿督童玉锦、拿督陈良民、拿督吴德芳、拿督李剑桥及蔡马友。
比较值得注意的是会长李三春。李三春祖籍湖北天门，于1935年出生在马来西亚彭亨，曾在 1974年至1982年担任马来西亚最大的华人政党，即马华公会的总会长。李三春退出政坛后，一直都保持低调。在2003年的一次少见的记者访谈中，直言其反对“台独”主张。根据陈凯希所言，他连同华总、商联会和乡团领导人看了访谈新闻，即接触李三春，并要求他出面召集及商讨台海问题。
对马来西亚来说，陈水扁的“台独”主张是一个重要的课题。影响马来西亚言论最主要的报章如《星洲日报》、《南洋商报》等一向都对台湾问题或陈水扁的言论极为关注。但是马来西亚华社对台湾问题一向仅是停留在“关心”层次，像一中促进会那样以团体的身份公开反应还是第一回。马来西亚华人对台海问题一向冷眼旁观，但是自从陈水扁2000年上台以后，一些重要的华团领导人对其“台独”言论渐感不安，2004 年总统选举陈水扁提出“防卫性公投”，华社领袖第一次自动加入战围，在一个族群关系极为敏感的国度里，实属少见。
本文主要是分析马来西亚华人对陈水扁“台独”主张的反应，先是讲述华人在政治上从中国认同转向马来西亚认同的过程；而后讨论文化中国的问题；继而专注当代马来西亚华人，特别是华团领袖及媒体对陈水扁“台独”主张的反应。
Zhang Yunan, Vice Concolate of Penang from China and Leader of the Chinese Society
张煜南:19世纪末中国驻槟榔屿的副领事与华人社会领袖
Chong Siou Wei, Assist. Professor University Tunku Abdul Rahman
张晓威，马来西亚拉曼大学助理教授
在十九世纪末至二十世纪初叶期间，荷属东印度及英属马来亚的华人社会，对于张煜南应该不会感到陌生。张煜南当时除了是位富甲一方的华商之外，亦是一位不折不扣的大慈善家，他不仅代理过晚清驻槟榔屿的副领事，同时在晚清回国投资方面，亦是华侨中的重要典范之一。
Traditional Scholars in Modern Malaysia: Shen Moyu’s Cultural Practices
传统的士在现代马来西亚: 淺论沈慕羽的文化实践
Yap Hon Lun, University of Malaya
叶汉伦，马来亚大学
“士”是“道”的承担者，以“道”作为“士”的价值取向的最后依据，为“士”灌注了一种理想主义的精神，使他们能够超越个人的利害得失，转而对整体社会倾注深厚的关怀。 这种深厚而终极的关怀，当然具有不同的面向。“天下有道则见，无道则隐。”（《论语?泰伯》）学而优则仕，所托付的是一种道德使命感，更重要的是为经邦济世所以出仕，这是“士”的经世精神的积极面。出仕的依据则视乎“道”是否能够实现。如“道”之不行，经世转向消极面，则多为文化和社会批判。中外的评论研究都说明了“士”与现代西方意义上的知识分子有许多共同重合之处。当中的区别点，或许就在于“士”以“道”为己任，其精神内涵与实践方式略有不同。
在颜清湟教授对新马华人社会的研究里，“士”阶层以其现代面貌出现在“商、士、工”的三层阶级结构之中，屈居于商人阶级之下，而有别于中国传统的四民结构。 这一点是合乎实情的。然而，王赓武教授的意见应该得到相同的关注；即这里的“士”阶级与传统的“士”的概念不同，在东南亚社会也不容易构成一个特殊阶级。这样的分歧主要在于“士”的定义以及不同时空中的现实差异。尽管如此，这个歧义并未对本文的论旨形成矛盾，反而增添了本文讨论的意义。本文所要讨论的主人翁沈慕羽先生身处现代的马来（西）亚，所展现的是传统意义上的“士”的精神面貌。本文尝试从沈慕羽现已将近94年的人生历程中，所面对的种种人生的考验以及生命的历练，整理其文化实践上的意义。
Analysis on Confucianlism and Malaysian Chinese Politics
论儒家思想与马来西亚华人政治
Wong Wun Bin, Assist. Professor University Tunku Abdul Rahman
黄文斌，拉曼大学副教授
儒家思想不仅对中华民族与文化产生深刻的影响，它也是传统中国政治思想的重要指导。马来西亚华人社会是中国、台湾及香港以外，保留华文教育及华人传统文化最好的地方。目前，它不仅有1280多间纳入官方教育体系的华文小学；54间在二十世纪60年改制的国民型华文中学及60间华人民办的独立华文中学；3间华人民办的大专学院。另外，还有国立马来亚大学与博特拉大学及由华人政党创办的私立拉曼大学都设有中文系或语文与语言学学院中文组。此外，马来西亚还有几家华文媒体、超过六千间或血缘、地缘、学缘及业缘性等会馆、商会及民间团体。更值得注意的是，马来西亚的政府是由几个政党组成的，其中有纯代表华人的政党----马华公会。因此，无论从政、经、文、教观察，马来西亚华人社会可以算是一个保留“华人性”非常完善的地方。从历史来看，儒家思想与华人社会是息息相关的，尤其政治体制更以儒家思想为指南。本文尝试检视一个移民社会----马来西亚华人，其以政治领袖是否还受儒家思想的影响。
The Unsubstituted Human Resources
不可替代的人力资源
Li Qirong, Director, School of History and Culture, Huazhong Normal University
李其荣，华中师范大学历史文化学院华人研究中心主任、教授
内容摘要 马来西亚是一个多民族国家，华人人口占马来西亚总人口的1/3左右，是马来西亚的第二大族群。华人在马来西亚现代化进程中起了重要的作用。这些作用主要表现在三个方面：一是华人是马来西亚经济现代化的先驱者；二是华人是马来西亚政治现代化发展的推动者；三是华人是马来西亚多元文化的建设者。总之，作为人力资源的华人在马来西亚现代化中发挥了不可替代的作用，功不可没，华族资源是一种财富，我们应该加以充分的肯定。
关键词 马来西亚 华人 现代化 人力资源 作用
Abstract Malaysia is a multiple nation. Chinese population holds about one of three in the Malaysia total population and second biggest clan group. Chinese play important role in Malaysia modernization process. These roles mainly display three: one is that Chinese is a pioneer of constricting economic moderation. Second is that Chinese is promoter in political modernization Malaysia. The third is that Chinese is constructor of diversify culture Malaysia .In conclusion, Chinese as a great reserve labor power bring into play connoted substitute for role in Malaysia modernization and contribution cannot obliterated. Chinese clan material is riches and so we should affirm it.
Key words: Malaysia; Chinese; Modernization; labor power resources; roles
Evolution and Assessment of Malaysian Strategy of Technological Development
马来西亚技术发展的演变与评价－兼论R&D发展模式的转变
Li Yi, Research School of Southeast Asian Studies, Xiamen University
李 毅，广东长科机械集团有限公司南洋研究院讲师
摘 要：技术进步是发展中国家经济持续发展的核心。本文主要探讨马来西亚政府技术发展战略的三次转变过程，从理论上分析金融危机后技术发展政策演化的特征，同时指出近年来马来西亚研发模式的转变。
关键词: 马来西亚 技术战略 R&D
Abstract: Technology progress has been the nucleus of sustained economic development in developing countries. This paper focuses on the process of three transformations in Malaysian policy evolution in technological development after the financial crisis from theoretical dimension, and points out the recent changes in Malaysian R&D pattern.
Dong Jiao Zong and Malaysian Chinese Organizations
董教总与马来西亚华人社团
Mok Soon Chong, University of Malaya
莫顺宗，马来亚大学
进入90年代，马来西亚的局势与70、80年代相比，有了相当不同的变化。国阵政府改弦易辙，对华人采取比较怀柔的策略。华人社会争取成立的中华大会堂联合会终于获准，“十五华团”于是成为历史名词，华团步入新的阶段。从1990年至今，匆匆又是一十七年，这些年来，在新的政治社会情境下，华团的表现如何？70、80年代领航的华团能否保持上升的势头？其他数千个华团有无异军突起者？这些都是本文试图探讨的。
Sino-Malaysian Relations in the 1970s
20世纪70年代中马关系
Yu Changsen, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Zhongshan University
喻常森，中山大学东南亚研究所
马来西亚是东盟国家中最早与中国建立外交关系的国家。中马于1974年5月正式建交，迄今已经30余年。目前，中马关系可以说是现代历史上最好的时期，两国之间基本不存在重大的利益冲突和明显的障碍，合作全面而深入。这一切应该归功于两国三代领导人长期以来远见卓识的辛勤开拓以及各界人士的努力推动。在这里，我们通过回顾中马两国建交的历程，总结历史的经验教训，警醒人们珍惜来之不易的成果，夯实两国关系友好的基础
Survey of South Korean Chinese Society
韩国华侨社会调研
Cui Zhiying, Dean, Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, Tongji University
崔志鹰，同济大学亚太研究中心主任、教授
韩国金融危机后，韩国政府为振兴国内经济，对韩国华侨的政策比较开放，允许华侨可以投资一些原先不被批准的领域，因而华侨的经济状况有所好转。但韩国华侨仍按一般外国人的待遇看待，韩国是个单一民族的国家，外国人在韩国不能享受与韩国本国人一样的待遇，如用韩国华侨的身份证号码无法进入韩国国内的电脑网络，由此韩国国民所享有的许多待遇，韩国华侨无法享受。另外，华侨在韩国不能考公务员职位，也不能当法官，即使有才能，也只能被韩国政府聘用为一般工作人员。这意味着华侨在韩国无法进入上层主流社会。为此，韩国华侨正在上书韩国政府和韩国法院，力求通过法律形式来维护自身的权益。虽然要打赢这方面的“官司”，十分艰难，但一些韩国华侨表示，通过此举也可反映韩国华侨的“心声”。
Study on the Cultural State of Malaysian Chinese Society in the Late Qing Dynasty
南溟地僻有音乐 终岁尝闻丝竹声——清末马来亚华侨社会的文明状态研探
Gao Weinong, Institute of Overseas Chinese studies, Jinan University
高伟浓，暨南大学华人华侨研究所、教授
本文先以槟榔屿为案例，分析了以商业文明为基础的清末马来半岛海峡地区的华侨社会文明发展状态；继以柔佛的种植业和霹雳的采矿业为案例，分析了同时期马来半岛土邦地带的华侨社会文明发展状态，因而认为，清末马来半岛的华侨社会文明存在着两大梯级的差异。槟榔屿等地的华侨在兴学、办医院、组建跨地域会馆、修建集体义坟、为名建筑物题名题迹、保留家乡民情风俗、参与当地民族的文化活动、办报、华侨文化精英等多个方面表现出文明发展的较高水平。而土邦地带的华社文明则与前者相去甚远，特别是在精英人才方面，一个星辉璀璨，一个黯淡无光。本文对两类华社文明呈现巨大差别的原因做了剖析。
Decolonialisation and Native Return：Postcolonial Nativeness in Wong
后殖民本土：去殖民化和回归本土——论王润华的热带丛林和南洋水果
Zhu Chongke, Chinese Department , Zhongshan University
朱崇科，新加坡国立大学哲学博士（2005，文学方向），广东中山大学中文系副教授
新马著名学者型作家王润华，其丰富著述中当然包含了对“文化中国”的回眸与自我中华化，但他对“南洋”本土的理解有其独特的进路、理论资源和实践操作。他凭借对新马热带丛林和南洋水果与本土性缠绕的独特处理呈现出其独特的“后殖民本土”：去殖民化和回归本土。
但需要指出的是，王的描写也有它自身的问题。其书写缺乏一种严整的团队性，更多是散兵游勇式的单打独斗；他对后殖民本土的呈现和处理整体上却未能突破后殖民理论的控制和圈限。但总体看来，回到新马华文文学的语境中，写本土人熟知的本土植物本身难度就大，因此王的锐意尝试勇气和实践应该可以算是新马华文文学史上本土思考和创作的一大标志和一家之言。
关键词：后殖民本土；去殖民化；王润华；南洋
Predicament of Malaysian Chinese Newspapering
论马来西亚华文报业之困境
Zhan Guanqun, Department of History, Fujian Normal University
詹冠群，广东师范大学历史系教授
华文报业号称华侨华人社会三大支柱之一，可见其地位的重要。马来西亚华文报业，发端于1815年8月5日英国传教士创办的《察世俗每月统计传》。在辛亥革命和抗日战争期间，蓬勃发展。虽经时间的淘洗，彼此消长，但更显得成熟与专业。至今既有历尽沧桑的《星洲日报》、《南洋商报》，也有新生的《东方日报》，东马与西马共有华文报14家，覆盖面广，已蔚为大观。但是，马来西亚的华文报业在似乎繁荣的外表下，却蕴藏着重重危机，举步为艰。其表现为：第一，恶性竞争。主要方式有：以财力为基础，收购并关闭弱小华文报；不计成本压低报价；高薪挖走人才，釜底抽薪；垄断报纸的发行渠道；甚至搜集竞争者刊登的不利政府或政治人物的言论，打小报告，制造压力。第二，政党操控。主要表现是：马华公会于2001年5月28日通过华仁控股收购南洋报业（包括《南洋商报》和《中国报》）。此举导致马华公会分裂为A、B队，也造成华社的对立。第三，政府的管制。政府制定各种法令，主要有：印刷和出版法令；煽动法令；内部安全法令；官方机密法令，等等。马来西亚的华文报业如何才能走出困境，是一个有待深入探讨的问题。
